The AFR View
Forty years after $A float, no brave new world of prosperity in view
The anniversary of the seminal policy decision should remind us that the float set off a domino-effect of bold policy liberalisation that pulled Australia out of its economic decline.
On the Monday morning 40 years ago that the Australian dollar was freed to be priced by supply and demand in the foreign exchange market rather than by government edict, The Australian Financial Review editorialised that the new Labor government’s economic policy was more sane and rational than the most optimistic of observers could have predicted.
With one momentous decision, wrote political correspondent Gregory Hywood, the Hawke-Keating government had set itself on a course of financial deregulation contrary to the Labor Party’s traditional anti-market ethos. It was, as the Financial Review’s headline put it, “A brave new world”.
The trigger for the Australian dollar float of December 12, 1983 was a speculative inflow of foreign capital amid the recovery from recession that was pumping up the money supply. That underscored the first of the three great benefits of the float, as now identified by economics editor John Kehoe.
By allowing the market to set the exchange rate, the central bank’s monetary policy would not be overwhelmed by foreign capital flows if it varied domestic interest rates to tame double-digit inflation.
Second, the flexible exchange rate acted as a shock absorber for Australia’s commodity-exporting economy. Australia’s 1970s inflation breakout was stoked by the Country Party veto on currency revaluation during the international commodity price boom of the late 1960s and ’70s. In contrast, a much stronger dollar helped contain inflation during Australia’s China resource development boom of the 2000s.
Third, driven by young treasurer Paul Keating and Reserve Bank governor Bob Johnston with the support of Bob Hawke, the float set off a domino effect of bold policy liberalisation that pulled Australia out of its economic decline.
Rather than a burning platform for change, the global financial crisis and the pandemic have encouraged a culture of social protection all round.
Notwithstanding the float, the Labor-ACTU wages accord was the frontline policy for fighting inflation. After blowing up the economy during the late 1970s resources boom, the unions accepted real wage cuts to restore company profits and reduce unemployment from its 10 per cent peak.
It was not until the exit from the early-1990s recession that, as formalised under Liberal treasurer Peter Costello, a politically independent Reserve Bank was charged with keeping inflation within 2 per cent to 3 per cent.
Decades of uninterrupted growth
The floating dollar and the low inflation target underwrote an unprecedented generation of unbroken economic growth that only ended with the pandemic shutdowns of 2020.
But the excess budget and monetary stimulus injected into the economy by the political class and the Reserve Bank mandarins spilled over the economy’s disrupted supply lines to produce the sharpest prices outbreak of the inflation-targeting era, even if accompanied by the lowest jobless rate in half a century.
This time, a new Labor treasurer responded to the pain of taming inflation by showing the Reserve Bank governor the door, rather than using him as a policy ally. Yet Jim Chalmers has maintained the basic framework of the low inflation target, while thankfully pulling back from requiring the Reserve Bank to give “equal consideration” to fighting inflation and unemployment.
The bigger issue is that, compared with 40 years ago, there is no political momentum for a brave policy agenda that would deliver the productivity gains needed to stop Australia becoming entrenched as a low-growth economy. The main political parties have become too structurally weakened, while social media polarisation has made it harder to build a centre ground consensus.
The prosperity set off by the float and then the China resources boom has encouraged a political culture of redistributing more than the economy can produce or pay for. Rather than a burning platform for change, the global financial crisis and the pandemic have encouraged a culture of social protection all round.
Last week’s NDIS and GST political deals confirm the dog’s breakfast of federal-state financial reforms and the tax system. While there has been no 1970s-style wages breakout, the Albanese government is following ACTU commands to close any “loopholes” in Australia’s over-regulated labour market. The difficult energy transition is increasingly being driven by government command rather than market incentives.
The anniversary of the seminal policy decision of Australia’s 1980s-90s economic success story comes at a time when no brave new world of prosperity is visible on the political horizon.
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